In a world of maddening moral complexity we should
be happy when we run into a case as simple as the Israeli settlements on the
West Bank territory.
Making other people's land yours is wrong. The West Bank is the Palestinian's land (check "Demographic History of Palestine," Wikipedia), what's left after the Israelis took the rest of it. The Israelis are taking some of it. That's an aggression, wrong, with a greater wrong and aggression in the offing, taking all of it, or all within the boundaries of the ancient states of Israel and Judah.
Making other people's land yours is wrong. The West Bank is the Palestinian's land (check "Demographic History of Palestine," Wikipedia), what's left after the Israelis took the rest of it. The Israelis are taking some of it. That's an aggression, wrong, with a greater wrong and aggression in the offing, taking all of it, or all within the boundaries of the ancient states of Israel and Judah.
You know you've got a simple problem when you can
solve it by getting the answer to a simple question. In this case it's a question we can imagine putting to the
Israelis when they permitted the very first settlement: Do you want to take the
Palestinian's land — that is, all
the land within the boundaries of the ancient nations of Israel and Judah? As long as the settlements are
permitted the answer has to be Yes.
Since every Israeli prime minister since Yitzhak Rabin has permitted new
settlements the answer from the record is Yes, Yes, Yes, Yes, Yes, Yes, Yes,
Yes, Yes, Yes, and Yes.
And the reason for the Yes's? The prime ministers are politicians and
have an instinct for majority opinion, buried or on the surface, and here the
majority opinion is that God gave that land to them. The majority, made up of a good many liberals, believes or
goes along with what the sophisticated-looking woman in Tel Aviv said to the TV
reporter after Secretary Kerry's speech to the UN: "We will arrive and build and we will continue to be
obedient to this tremendous promise that God has given us, the land of
Israel" (Reuters video insert in Jonathan Martin, NYT, 12-28-16).
That's the Big Fact and that's what Netanyahu had to keep hidden with his scolding
and outrage and cries of betrayal and protests of innocence in his response to
Kerry's speech at the UN. Because
with the Big Fact out in the open everybody would see the wrong of Israel's
action, taking people's land from
them. Naked aggression. It meets every definition.
The settlers themselves were well ahead of him, and were
maybe his model, when they put the label "facts on the ground" on
their settlements. Little
facts, little facts, little facts, little facts (because they were easier to
defend or ignore), then in the distance, boom, the Big Fact. Removing it at that point would be so
inhumane.
Anyway, the motive given is about as poor a motive
as I can think of, to do wrong because God wants you to. Your God, not the other side's God, not
the God of most of the rest of the world.
The simplicity of it came back to me again and again as Netanyahu piled
on his complications, his concentration on peripheral things, his tugs on the
searchlight to get it away from Israel's goal. I put him on a courtroom stand. "Is it the case that you want to take that
land?" If he says No, up
comes Exhibit A, settlements, what he has just called "not the
issue." I ask if there is any
other goal that can explain them.
The jury is undistractable.
They know what the issue is.
The American public may at any time turn into a jury
like that, and they have to be distracted. The poorer a motive, the more wrong an action, the more
flawed a reason, the more it needs to be covered with PR. That's what PR people are there for, as
longtime Public Relations sage Vic Gold learned from one of his bosses ("I
don't need you when I'm right") and made the title of his book.
And oh
how covering of the Israeli wrong has grown. PR (persuasion) going on to lobbying and money (campaign
contributions) and more devices of rhetoric than Aristotle, the great theorist
of persuasion, ever thought of.
The wrong was covered and is still so thoroughly covered that 88 U. S.
senators recently signed a letter opposing UN resolutions like the last one,
against further settlements (NYT, above).
That's pretty close to the number of senators who receive campaign
contributions through AIPAC, the main lobbyists for Israel. (AIPAC
itself does not make political contributions; it uses its resources to link
members of Congress with pro-Israel donors.)
As I have said before (Post 225), the Jews going
along with the settlers, making a majority, aren't the Jews I know. Jews to me are sharp-minded CCNY
graduates come to get an advanced degree out in the Heartland where they shot the
bejesus out of appeals to the holy scriptures of primitive people.
And I have asked, more in anger than in pity,
"What do I have to do with these new Jews? Why in the hell should I support a Congressman who supports
these primitives, primitives who want aid so they can continue their primitive
project, one that drags my country into all this trouble? And who have a prime minister who
reproaches and scolds us when our support for his primitives falters?"
Now there is a question that arises, and shouldn't
arise, and that Jews hate to see arising but whose rise is inevitable here, it
fits so closely with what I have said about the Congressmen, that a torrent of
PR has washed them to Israel's side.
What, to a candidate for election or re-election, is better, more
persuasive PR than a big contribution to his or her campaign fund?
That, fitting so closely the pogrom-igniting
stereotype of the rich Jew pulling the strings of the government of the country
he sojourns in, is a dangerous question to ask, and would not be asked here if
the answer were not, "No, that is not true. There is something
better and more persuasive than money, and it
probably sways more Americans to Israel's side than money."
I'm not sure what it is but I know I'm close to it
when I place the wrong the Israelis are doing among wrongs I've read about in
history. The British putting Boers
in concentration camps, the Romans
raping the Sabine women, the Athenians killing the Melian men and making slaves
of the women and children. The latter is the worst (I've talked about it many
times), and provokes the most fertile speculation. How would I respond to the Athenian government hiring a lot of
PR people, really slick sophists, to gloss it over? to Athenian extremists
hiding Melian graves? to an Athenian statesman scolding me for having doubts
about them?
As a young reader I'd been rooting for the
Athenians and, the interesting thing, this
wrong did not make me quit rooting. Why? Because I
so admired what the Athenians had started building in their society, and seeing
how what they started with played out, that I just couldn't switch sides. Even though the side I was choosing was
clearly wrong, and the side I was rejecting was clearly right.
Now I am not reading history, I am standing in the
moment of its making, and, with possibilities open, choosing between
envisioned products. "How will what the Israelis start with play out and
how will what the Palestinians start with play out? Which do I go for?" The Israeli playout wins hands down over the Palestinian, or
maybe I should say Muslim, playout.
As, when I stopped with my finger in the page of the history book, the
Roman playout won over the Sabine and the Athenian won over the Melian. Despite the crimes.
I am tolerating wrongs, unbearable to me at one
point in my youth, but bearable now because I have learned from a larger number
of history books that there are no starting points that don't rest on a wrong,
and that no playout is free of wrong..
And, from my own reactions while reading, I have learned that if the playout
is interesting enough I inevitably forget about the wrongs and get all wrapped
up in the playout. Sure it was
wrong for the males in this Latin tribe to just grab these Sabine women for
wives, but damn, they had something going for them the Sabines just didn't
have, and I wanted to watch that play out. As I did with other things they did to other tribes as they
went along.
I now see myself applying the Test of the Playout to
my own tribe. We committed terrible
wrongs against the Native Americans.
As I read of them does that switch my interest? my vision of the
future? How, I ask with my finger
on the page, do I see the Cherokee cultural possession playing out? the
Inuit? Any of the wronged
tribes? Compared to what I see
around me, the realized future of the day of the crimes, the Native-American
playout is unexciting, to say the least.
The excitement is in the promise of what a culture
has going. To the native Hawaiians
trying to keep the Thirty Meter Telescope from being built on their sacred
mountain (NYT, 10-3-16) I say, "Look, we've got something going here, and
unless you can show me that what you've got going is more promising for the future,
more exciting, more worth watching unfold in a book, I'm with those forcing you
off." To make the eviction
easier, for them and my less convinced friends, I add, "With all possible accommodations to your feelings and
traditions, of course."
There's no reason this shouldn't apply to the West
Bank Muslims. They're not innately
inferior, they're not different humans.
They're just off on an unpromising track. They're primitives and they have too far to go. They once had some interest but now
they're a bore.
Yes, the intensely religious Jews now determining
Israel's policy are as boring and unpromising as the religious Muslims, but there's
a difference. Though they are
fixed in their religion, they are not fixed in their government, which has, in
the way of the West, provision for their removal. The playout could go in favor of Jews like the ones I once
knew. There's your excitement and
interest and hope. And there's my support or Israel. And if that's the support I, a fountain of objections to
Israel's behavior, give, isn't it going to be the support given by Americans who make
fewer objections and quieter complaints?
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