There's a law in China that says a
couple can have only one child. There's no law in China that says that a woman
can't have an abortion. The law restricting family size forces a lot of
abortions in China.
The writer of the number one
leader in The Economist of 5 May,
like many Americans wanting China to become a country observing "the rule
of law," rather than a country subject to arbitrary imposition of the
leaders' will, is indignant over the way the currently powerful men have put
the blind Chinese dissident Chen Guangcheng under house arrest for nineteen
months, under no law we know of. This, according to the writer, was done
because, after "being praised for years by the local government for
advocating the rights of disabled people" he "crossed the line by
taking on the local party over the abortion and sterilisations it enforced as
part of China's strict one-child policy."
Policy. Different from a
law. See house arrest for a disagreement on policy and an
enlightened Westerner is entitled to get indignant. See house arrest for
breaking a law? Entitlement not so clear.
Since I believe that having no
more than one child is a law in China, and that the leader-writer's word is
inaccurate, I cannot share his indignation at the house arrest. I may be
indignant at the law itself, or the making of it, or the way the makers
customarily operate, but, even though I go on to be indignant over the severity
of the penalty, I can't be indignant over punishing a lawbreaker.
The reason is that I believe in
just what we're calling for in China, the "rule of law." I know
that that expression suggests something very large (from procedural guarantees
to substantive rights) but however I expand it, I can't get away from what the
word "law" (in the sense of "rule in a legal system") has
to include: enforcement. No penalty, no enforcement; no enforcement, no
law. You might as well call it advice, or a policy statement.
Am I entitled to be indignant over
the one-child law itself? I have to be careful here because I have
objected too often to acts of moral transposition by my students to be caught
committing one myself. (Moral transposition: bringing someone distant in
place or time into one's own place or time and judging him by standards
there.) So I let the Chinese leaders remain in China, look at the
terrible over-population problem they were trying to solve there, try to imagine
the trade-offs that could be made to solve it, and, unable to come up with a
better solution myself, decide that I am not entitled to be indignant over the
Chinese one-child law.
Entitlement to indignation over
forceful action is usually gained only after answering three questions: Who am
I? Where am I? What is my target? Students of the 60s were
not entitled to burn down ROTC buildings because their target was not the Army
but the war, or those choosing it or running it. The Army was needed, and
they cheered for itwhen Arkansas police wouldn't let black students into
schools in Alabama. Vagueness, confusion, carelessness, those are the
things that deprive us of entitlement. Unspecific indignation, that's
what we count on our newspapers to help us avoid.
From my newspaper, The Economist, I here need to know the
specifics of the Chinese law and the facts of its breaking. I don't need to know, not for my
indignation, that Chen is "blind," that he "emerged from
poverty," that he "fought for justice," that he's "a brave
man," that he's "the best of modern China." That leaves me
with no more entitlement than that of the students who burned down our ROTC
building.
Good one, Roland. I've been thinking about this, too. I think the rule of law was trammeled when Chen was falsely accused and his family was persecuted by authorities. So I'm a supporter of Cheng Guangcheng. However, I think the one child policy is fair when equally applied, and I believe the whole world should apply it for two generations. My wife doesn't agree.
ReplyDeleteThanks, David. In case other readers fail to attach proper weight to what you say about China, I should tell them that after your official time in the Foreign Service you spent a number of years in China and the Far East and that your wife was U.S. Consul-General in Shanghai.
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