Any president of
the United States who deserved those compliment-words would be pretty close to
our ideal, wouldn't he? But how would he earn them? What would he look like in
action? I have presumed to guess, making Jimmy Carter my star.
As my dream
scenario opens he is speaking to Menachem Begin, the Israeli prime minister,
just after Begin has allowed the first settlements in the Occupied Territories
(see my preceding post, #126.). He has just asked the big question, "Tell
me, Menachem, do you, in your heart, want all of the Occupied Territories for
your people?" Let's say that Begin, by ignoring the question, or changing
the subject, or indicating that it's bad form to ask such a question, says No,
the answer consistent with his representation to America of Israel's goals.
Now the ideal
Carter, having already showed his imagination (in his first question, picturing
the future) shows his toughness: "What then is this hammering that I
hear?" You may note that the American president, who knows his Bible, is
counting on Begin to hear the echo of the prophet Samuel. (After Saul had
denied having any captured sheep Samuel had cocked his head and said,
"What then is this bleating in mine ears?") Smart Carter is asking,
"What are you driving at with those houses going up in Ariel?
Begin has been
put seriously on the spot. He has to admit he wants the whole thing or look
like the dumbest candidate for Israeli leadership in the Bible. Let's say Begin
says, "All right, I want all of old Judea and Samaria." Smart Carter,
though he knows, asks him why. Begin tells him what everybody in Israel knows
about him and the Gush Emunim, the first settlers: that they want the land
because God, in the Bible, gave it to them.
That answer
prepares imaginative Carter to ask those of his countrymen who support Prime
Minister Begin why they support him. Do they do it because they
believe that God gave the Israelis the land?
Now many of Begin's
supporters in Carter's country will without hesitation say yes. Anybody who
takes the Bible as literal truth will have to say yes — or be embarrassed in
front of his fellow believers — and that will end the conversation. But those Jews
who don't read the Bible literally, they are the ones tough Carter is
interested in. "What? You?" he will say, "Right alongside the
people you used to scorn? I remember you in college, so full of brains, so
tough on evangelical Christians. How can you keep company with them? How can
you not ask of Begin the kind of questions you used to ask us?"
Tough Carter's
strategy is clear. Embarrass them. Get them to explain. Out in public. Some of
these skeptical Jews are influential people, giving heavy support. Carter's
imagination has shown him where the settlements are heading, his realism has
told him his nation can't ignore that end, and his toughness now makes him
press for an explanation from settlement-supporters no matter how many friends
he has to embarrass.
The same will go
for the ideally imaginative, tough, realistic presidents that follow Carter.
Does an Israeli prime minister continue to expand the settlements (as every one
of them will do)? Do his supporters count on his reputation as a liberal,
secular, enlightened man to supply — despite a settlement here, a settlement
there — implicit reassurance? Ask him what
he's doing giving support to the faction he scorned. Does he deny giving that
support? "What then is this bleating in mine ears?"
When will our
ideal presidents stop? As soon as the explanations produce public discussion
and debate in Congress. That's all they'll want. Their goal is not Israeli
withdrawal from the Occupied Territories. Things like that are to be determined
after debate, after all the other arguments — the need for defensible borders,
the need for a bargaining chip, for need for defense against terrorists, and so
on — are heard and tested. It would be unrealistic to push for more.
In the meantime
realism requires presidents to counter attempts to discourage debate in
Congress, attempts that have been so far successful. (It hasn't been just a
matter of ignoring the question, or changing the subject; the question simply
has not been asked.) Smart Carter's PR staff (or Clinton's or Bush's or
Obama's) will, for example, have to keep control of the definition of
"tough." It can't just mean "hard on your enemies"; it has
to mean "hard on your friends," too." It can't mean "hard
on terrorism" or, when you get down to it, anything at all we got used to
in the hard-on-soft-on vocabulary of the anti-communism years, the years before
Viet Nam. That's pseudo-toughness, poolroom toughness. You show it up by
inviting it into the street. "Let's wait until your man mixes it up in
Congress. There we'll find out how tough he is."
I pass this on from Ron Kroutel, professor of painting at Ohio University:
ReplyDeleteI found your essay interesting from the point of view of an artist. The Milton quote is perfect for artists as well as poets. Artists need to look closely at reality, to try as best they can to get past the symbols of things we are inundated with and at least attempt to grasp some sort of unmediated quotidian reality. As a former Catholic, I see art as a form of transubstantiation, turning lead to gold, the everyday things you can smell and touch into an image that reflects a connection to the human experience of living.
But when ever I hear the terms "global" or "cosmic" in artists' statements and in art writing,I get queasy. I think that using these terms may be a form of "aesthetic pride."
I don't know about the baby bit...